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Analysis

Will COP28 fail after dropping fossil fuel pledge?

For the Albanese government, and many others, the test of success or failure at COP28 is not necessarily a fossil fuel phase-out, but simply making progress.

Hans van Leeuwen
Hans van LeeuwenEurope correspondent

Dubai | According to the garrulous gallery of climate activists at COP28, the talks in Dubai are teetering between success and failure. That sounds like a headline, but what does “success” actually mean?

For the activists, and for many ministers, too, success would mean that the 198 nations in the COP process had agreed to phase out fossil fuels. The shift should happen in quick time, they say, preferably without recourse to carbon capture and storage.

A green activist storms the plenary hall at COP28, demanding an end to fossil fuels. Getty

That is hugely unlikely to be agreed, let alone happen, anytime soon. Saudi Arabia, and other less forthright dissenters that also have big oil and gas interests, would see that outcome as COP failure.

Although they know that they, too, will eventually have to go green, the Saudis and their friends will almost surely veto the phase-out plan. They want to pad their coffers and protect their economies for as long as possible.

Indeed, the current draft agreement from the summit has dropped any reference to the phase-out of fossil fuels. If it creeps back in, it will be highly qualified and caveated.

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The activists will probably then brand COP28 a failure. But there is a broader, more prosaic definition of COP success. On this view, success doesn’t necessarily lie so much in exactly what is agreed – although that is important – but in the fact that agreement takes place at all.

The critical metric is that the agreement, whatever it is, in some way represents – or can be plausibly construed to represent – some kind of forward momentum or progress.

It sounds like a low bar. Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen raised it slightly on Tuesday (AEDT), when he said the COP28 deal has to be a step change rather than just a step forward. Either way, the political ramifications of failure on this metric, at home as well as globally, could be significant.

If COP28 does not take a clear step forward of some sort, perceptions could take hold that the world is losing the unity and the will to tackle climate change. This would sap the legitimacy and credibility of government decarbonisation efforts at national level, including in Australia.

Climate policies can impose costs on households or business, or draw on taxpayers’ money. If the COP process seems broken, critics could point to that and ask: why should Australians bear this burden when the world has turned away from the task? The government’s political and policy space for domestic climate action could shrink.

So the Albanese government’s ability to sell and deliver its climate change policies arguably rests partly on the endorsement of the international community that comes via the COP.

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Conversely, it is almost in the interests of countries like Saudi Arabia and Russia to see the COP process founder. COP has significant power to build and reinforce global climate norms, putting inescapable pressure even on the dissenting countries.

Saudis straining at the leash

The Saudis are straining at the leash, but they continue to turn up – in effect buying into the process, and to the idea that action is needed. This shows how powerful the COP’s norm-building process has been. It created the concepts of net-zero and the 1.5 degree safety limit in 2015 in Paris, and these are now articles of faith.

The prosaic measure of success is a more realistic one to aim for because the conference makes decisions by consensus. That means progress is more likely to be iterative, a ratchet, than revolutionary, a sledgehammer.

So just because the conference won’t succeed on the terms set by green groups and the liberal media, that doesn’t equate to failure.

Even if COP28 does not deliver a pledge to phase out fossil fuels, that doesn’t mean the countries that have advocated for it, including Australia, will go home empty-handed.

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Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen will be able to tout the Dubai summit as “the renewables COP”, when countries swung behind a plan to triple the world’s renewable energy capacity and double energy efficiency efforts.

That alone will put a decent breeze in the turbines of the Albanese government’s energy policy. And then Bowen can head to Baku, Azerbaijan, next year and hope to twist the ratchet a little further.

Slow-motion, back-room fights over words, phrases and sub-clauses might not make for a gripping news yarn. But the stakes are higher than they look, both for the world’s fight against climate change and for the Albanese government’s political and policy fortunes at home.

Hans van Leeuwen covers British and European politics, economics and business from London. He has worked as a reporter, editor and policy adviser in Sydney, Canberra, Hanoi and London. Connect with Hans on Twitter. Email Hans at hans.vanleeuwen@afr.com

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